Tobias Roane: The Dark Side of Emancipation

As I mentioned in my previous post George Henry Roane: the new Freedmen’s Bureau databases on FamilySearch are incredible research tools, the various Freedmen’s Bureau Field Office Records databases on FamilySearch have provided a wealth of information about people from the various branches of my family. The previous post about George Henry Roane featured his fight to claim the legacy left to him in his former owner’s will.

EMANCIPATION AND THE AMERICAN HISTORY CURRICULUM

Emancipation wasn’t something that was really covered in my history classes. It was barely mentioned. It was presented as something of a 10 minute after-thought. A footnote to the American Civil War. My classmates and I were never taught about its implementation or its repercussions, which still echo down through the ages to the present day. My history classes never discussed what it was to be enslaved for generations – for centuries, actually – and then freed overnight. Or how persons born and raised in the centuries old institution of slavery coped. It wasn’t as if this was a bad school. Far from it. It was one of the best schools in the state. Which makes this even more of a lost learning opportunity.

The way it was presented kind of ran like this: President Lincoln freed the slaves, slaves were free overnight, everyone was happy. The proof of the latter were the brief mentions of freed slaves becoming congressmen, senators, academics, businessmen and businesswomen, etc. It never really occurred to me to question just how good things were after emancipation – or what percentage of the newly freed black population it was good for.

Born at the tail end of the Jim Crow Era and segregation –I knew those good times of freedom hadn’t lasted. While I grew up in a middle class home, I knew there was a portion of the American black population who didn’t.  That’s not to say I had it easy. There are overt signs of inequality – and then there are the subtle yet equally pernicious forms of inequality. I grew up experiencing the latter. Somewhere in my teenage brain I knew there was a fundamental disconnect, a huge part of the story that was missing in terms of the post-Emancipation black experience in America. But I didn’t know what it was. I couldn’t put my finger on it. And then I stopped thinking about it altogether. Living abroad for most of my life, far away from the racial hurly burly of America, I didn’t have to think about it. An American homecoming has only served to throw this into exceedingly vivid, sharp relief.

Using the Freedmen’s Bureau database for my research, and reading hundreds of its documents, I’ve come back full circle to that disconnect in terms of American history. As a habit America doesn’t like re-visiting the dark chapters of its history. Somewhere, somehow, it was collectively agreed that ‘if we don’t talk about those things, they’ll go away. It’ll all just work itself out. We can ignore it – and it just won’t matter any more’. If I’ve learned anything, even in my time abroad, dark histories cause pain that is carried down through the generations – for the descendants of the victims as well as the descendants of the perpetrators. Just ask the Irish, the English and the Scottish. Dark chapters in history never go away. It’s 2014 and look at the race-related topics that remain in the American headlines.

NEWLY ACQUIRED FREEDOM IS A MESSY BUSINESS

So I find myself thinking of Emancipation. I find myself thinking about all those millions of newly freed people, the children of generations who had dreamed of freedom. I’ve gained an understanding that dreaming of freedom – and facing the realities of freedom head-on – are two very different things.

Just look at current world events in North Africa, the Middle East and to events in a post-Communist Eastern Europe. It’s not as though there’s a Freedom 101 course that people can take. Nor does it seem possible for there to be anything like a planned transition period for people to grasp the concept and responsibilities of freedom. Freedom for formerly oppressed and suppressed people, it would seem, is a messy business. That’s not to diminish freedom. It is a basic human right. It’s a comment on the mechanism by which a people become free. I’ve yet to find evidence of a smooth transition from a state of oppression to the state of being free and entirely responsible for one’s self and one’s actions.

ONE CHAPTER IN TOBIAS ROANE’S LONG LIFE

Tobias “Tobey” Roane of Essex County, VA and his wife, Ainsley, are perfect examples of those lost in the chaos of Emancipation. In 1868, Tobey and Ainsley were in their Eighties. They were old. They were crippled, presumably from a life of toil as well as old age. They were also the primary care givers for their three young grandchildren. At the moment, the names of their grandchildren are unknown. Nor do I know what happened to the children’s parents.

an image of a letter mentioning Toby Roane with his family in 1866

Early correspondence about Toby Roane with his family in 1866. Citation: “Virginia, Freedmen’s Bureau Field Office Records, 1865-1872,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/FPFD-JZR), Toby Roane, ; citing NARA microfilm publication M1913, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland; FHL microfilm 2413570.

At the close of the Civil War, Toby, Ainsley and their grandchildren were forced out of their home. Presumably, their former master had no further use for them and felt no obligation towards them. As the letter below will show, this family of children and the elderly came to reside in a derelict old stable on the periphery of  land owned by John A Parker. It’s unclear if Toby and his family had a connection to Parker or to the McGuire family, Parker’s white tenants who lived in the house on the property and worked the land. Parker clearly wasn’t happy about Toby and his family residing in the disused stable.

image of letter outlining John Parker's complaint against Toby Roane

Letter dated 9 Nov 1866 outlining John Parker’s complaint against Toby Roane. Citation: “Virginia, Freedmen’s Bureau Field Office Records, 1865-1872,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/FPLV-6ZW ), Tobey Roane, ; citing NARA microfilm publication M1913, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland; FHL microfilm 2414655.

The indignity of their plight did not end there.

Parker began court proceedings to have them evicted from said derelict stable, their only refuge. Correspondence about the case follows below:

In desperation, Toby applied for relief to the local poor house via the local office for the Freedmen’s Bureau.  The letters below show how Toby and his family were turned away from the poor house solely based on race.

Toby Roane petition to enter the poor house

Toby Roane’s petition for admittance to the poor house. Letter dated- 9 Nov 1866. Citation: “Virginia, Freedmen’s Bureau Field Office Records, 1865-1872,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/FPLV-62J), Tobey Roane, ; citing NARA microfilm publication M1913, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland; FHL microfilm 2414655.

Toby Roane's petition for admittance to the poor house. Letter dated 10 Dec 1866 -

Toby Roane’s petition for admittance to the poor house. Letter dated 10 Dec 1866Citation: “Virginia, Freedmen’s Bureau Field Office Records, 1865-1872,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/FPNR-MMV), Toby Roane, ; citing NARA microfilm publication M1913, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland; FHL microfilm 2413680.

Toby Roane's petition for admittance to the poor house. Letter dated- 24 Dec 1866 -

Toby Roane’s petition for admittance to the poor house. Letter dated- 24 Dec 1866.Citation: “Virginia, Freedmen’s Bureau Field Office Records, 1865-1872,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/FPNJ-PZL), Tobey Roane, ; citing NARA microfilm publication M1913, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland; FHL microfilm 2413683.

This short series of correspondence gives a sense of the bureaucracy involved in cases like Tobey’s. The letters also evidence the prejudice he and his family faced. And, ok, I’ll say it – I don’t find any decency, much less any Christian behaviour, anywhere in this story…with the exception of Second Lieutenant Watson Wentworth. Whoever his descendants are, they should feel proud of the work their ancestor did and the personal dangers he faced in executing his duty.

I don’t know the ultimate outcome of their story. I don’t know if the local poor house came to house this family. I hope so, even it was due to being ordered to do so. It was certainly ordered to do so in the end.

I guess the obvious question would be ‘where was Tobey’s extended family?’ It’s a good question. I’m still trying to place Toby in the Roane family tree. He was of the same generation as other African-American members of the Roane family in Essex County: Spencer Roane (b. 1795), Nelson Roane (b. 1810), George Roane (b. 1810) and Randall Roane (b. 1815). The families of these men were also resident in Essex County at this time. Research hasn’t provided information about the exact nature of the kinship between these men. In the end, I think, the answer is fairly straightforward: these men had their own families to provide for in an uncertain and challenging environment.

The saddest part of this story isn’t Toby and Ainsley’s poverty, infirmity or struggle. At this point in their story they were 80 years old.  80 years. And the only part of their story I know anything about is this one sad episode. Nothing of the joys in the births of their children and their grandchildren. Nothing of their joys in being together. Just a story filled with pettiness, viciousness, uncharitable actions and rather unchristian behavior.

I’ve poured through innumerable records provided by these databases. There are uplifting and positive tales. And a few humerous ones (I’m sharing one of these in my next post). There is the other side of the coin, however – dark stories, poignant tales and tales that are simply tragic. If you were black, elderly, a child or a single woman with children, infirm or not fully physically able – freedom presented new challenges, cruelties and humiliations to be faced. There are pages and pages of petitions for relief, ledger sheets showing food and clothing being given to people who fell within the above groups. There are letters requesting travel fares to enable former slaves to leave the places where they had been enslaved in order to re-join family members in different cities, towns and states. There are also plenty of petitions to the Bureau for assistance in securing wages from employers who either couldn’t or wouldn’t pay for the labor of their black work force. And petitions for the care of newly freed orphaned children.

MY TAKEAWAY THOUGHTS

I’ve come away with three primary thoughts. The first is the sheer scale of the endeavor the Freedmen’s Bureau was tasked with – assisting millions of people who experienced freedom for the first time, with all the fears, challenges, hardships, institutional inequities – and hopes – that entailed.

My second thought is that a subjugated and oppressed people didn’t give up. They persisted and they fought. While freedom was far from being easy, freed slaves clearly grasped it with both hands.

The last thought is around educational opportunities. It’s the academic in me. The digitized versions of these original records are invaluable teaching tools. They come from people who experienced emancipation from all sides – freedmen, their former owners, local peoples and communities as well as the US government’s viewpoint and the viewpoint of its official representatives. Written in their own hand, their words transform Emancipation from a concept into the reality that it was. Collectively, these documents form an eloquent and articulate road map showing the journey of how the ghosts of emancipation still haunt America to this very day.

 UPDATE: dated 1 Oct 2014

It never ceases to amaze me how random events connect strangers. I received an email from Lt Watson Wentworth’s 3x great grandson, Sam N., who found this post.  He was kind enough to share some of Watson Wentworth’s history, which I’m sharing here.

“Watson was born in 1844 and orphaned by the age of 12. His father died when he was about 6 years old. He and his sister seem to have been left with relatives when his widowed mother and his three youngest siblings were all drowned in a shipwreck en route to Chicago via the Great Lakes. Perhaps the experience of insecurity stemming from these early tragedies somehow informed his work with the Freedman’s Bureau as a young man. “

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2 thoughts on “Tobias Roane: The Dark Side of Emancipation

  1. Police of Recently Emancipated Negroes
    Town of Opelousas
    ORDINANCE
    Relative to the Police of Recently Emancipated Negroes or Freedmen, Within the Corporate Limits of the Town of Opelousas
    Whereas the relations formerly subsisting between master and slave have become changed by the action of the controlling authorities; and whereas it is necessary to provide for the proper policing and government of the recently emancipated Negroes or freedmen, in their new relations to the municipal authorities;
    Sect. 1. Be it therefore ordained by the Board of Police of the Town of Opelousas: that no Negro or freedman shall be allowed to come within the limits of the Town of Opelousas without special permission from his employer specifying the object of his visit and the time necessary for the accomplishment of the same. Whoever shall violate this provision shall suffer imprisonment and two days’ work on the public streets, or shall pay a fine of two dollars and fifty cents.
    Sect. 2. Be it further ordained that every Negro or freedman who shall be found on the streets of Opelousas after 10 o’clock at night without a written pass or permit from his employer, shall be imprisoned and compelled to work five days on the public streets, or pay a fine of five dollars.
    Sect. 3. No Negro or freedman shall be permitted to rent or keep a house within the limits of the town under any circumstances, and any one thus offending shall be ejected, and compelled to find an employer or leave the town within twenty-four hours. The lessor or furnisher of the house leased or kept as above shall pay a fine of ten dollars for each offense
    Sect. 4. No Negro or freedman shall reside within the limits of the Town of Opelousas who is not in the regular service of some white person or former owner, who shall be held responsible for the conduct of said freedman. But said employer or former owner may permit said freedman to hire his time, by special permission in writing, which permission shall not extend over twenty-four hours at any one time. Any one violating the provisions of this section shall be imprisoned and compelled to work for two days in the public streets, or pay a fine of five dollars.
    Sect. 5. No public meetings or congregations of Negroes or freedmen shall be allowed within the limits of the Town of Opelousas, under any circumstances or for any purpose, without the permission of the Mayor or President of the Board. This prohibition is not intended, however, to prevent freedmen from attending the usual church services conducted by established ministers of religion. Every freedman violating this law shall be imprisoned and made to work five days on the public streets.
    Sect. 6. No Negro or freedman shall be permitted to preach, exhort, or otherwise declaim to congregations of colored people without a special permission from the Mayor or President of the Board of Police, under the penalty of a fine of ten dollars or twenty days’ work on the public streets.
    Sect. 7. No freedman who is not in the military service shall be allowed to carry fire-arms or any kind of weapons within the limits of the Town of Opelousas, without the special permission of his employer, in writing, and approved by the Mayor or President of the Board of Police. Any one thus offending shall forfeit his weapons and shall be imprisoned and made to work five days on the public streets or pay a fine of five dollars in lieu of said work.
    Sect. 8. No freedman shall sell, barter or exchange any articles or merchandise of traffic within the limits of Opelousas, without permission from his employer or the Mayor or President of the Board, under the penalty of the forfeiture of said articles, and imprisonment and one day’s labor, or a fine of one dollar in lieu of said work.
    Sect. 9. Any freedman found drunk within the limits of the Town shall be imprisoned and made to labor five days on the public streets, or pay five dollars in lieu of said labor.
    Sect. 10. Any freedman not residing in Opelousas, who shall be found within its corporate limits after the hour of 3 o’clock P.M., on Sunday, without a special written permission from his employer or the Mayor, shall be arrested and imprisoned and made to work two days on the public streets, or pay two dollars in lieu of said work.
    Sect. 11. All the foregoing provisions apply to freedmen and freedwomen, or both sexes.
    Sect. 12. It shall be the special duty of the Mayor or President of the Board to see that all the provisions of this ordinance are faithfully executed.
    Sect. 13. Be it further ordained, that this ordinance is to take effect from and after its first publication.
    Ordained the 3rd day of July, 1865.
    (Signed) E. D. ESTILLETTE,
    President of the Board of Police
    (Signed)
    JOS. D. RICHARD, Clerk
    The Opelousas Courier
    (Opelousas, La.) 1852-1910,
    April 20, 1872
    Vol. XIX. Opelousas, Parish of St. Landry, La., April 20, 1872.
    No. 32.,
    PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY LEON CB SANDOZ.
    OPELOUSAS: SATURDAY,
    APRIL 20, 1872.
    Proceedings Of the Board of Police of the Town of Opelousas.
    On Monday, April 8th. 1872, the new Board met pursuant to law, the members thereof having qualified as required by the Charter and the law.Were present: Messrs. L. Hadden. W. R. Meginley. Louis Lejeune, J. Peferkorn, Geo. Pulford, H.Iatour and C. C. Duson.
    There being a quorum present, the Board proceeded to business, Mr. Hadden is called to the Chair, pro tem.The Board now proceeds to elect its officers for the Town. as follows:Mr. H. Latour having received seven votes for President of the Board, is therefore proclaimed duly elected President.
    Mr. P. L. Hebrard having a majority of the votes. is declared duly elected Clerk of the Board, at a salary of $150 a year.
    Messrs. Posey and Hadden being put in nomination for the office of Treasurer of the Town. It appears on the ballots being taken that Mr. Posey received one vote, and Mr Hadden having received three votes; Mr. Hadden is therefore declared duly elected Treasurer of the Town, at a salary of $100 a year.
    Mr. Meginley moves that the salary of the Town Attorney be fixed at $250 a year, this motion being Iast, the said salary is fixed at $100 a year. Mr. J. J. Morgan having received all the votes, is declared duly elected Town Attorney at said salary of $100 a year.
    The salary of Town Printer is fixed at $100 a year. Messrs. Leonce Sandoz and J. V. Jackson being put in nomination; on the ballots being counted it appears that Mr. Sandoz received four votes, and Mr. Jackson two votes; Mr. Sandoz is declared duly elected Town Printer.
    A letter from Mr. Samuel N. Peters, offering if elected, to perform all the duties of Constable for the sum of $450, is read.
    Mr. C. C. Duson moves that the salary of Town Constable be fixed at $l000; said motion having been withdrawn, it is resolved, on motion of Mr.Mekinley, that the said salary be fixed at the sum of $600 a year. On motion, the election for Constable is now gone into, Messrs. Samuel N.Peters and E. S. Andrus are put in nomination; upon counting the ballots it was found that Mr.Peters had received two votes, and Mr. Andrus four votes. Mr. Andrus was therefore declared duly elected Town Constable.
    The bonds of the Treasurer and of the Constable are fixed at $3,000, respectively.
    On motion of Mr. Pulford the duties of the Constable are defined as follows, to wit:
    He shall keep order in the Town; assess the property in this Town; collect the taxes and licenses; patrol the Town if necessary; he shall pay all the monies collected by him to the Clerk who shall pay the same over to the Treasurer,monthly; he shall collect the market dues; oversee the public work on the streets; assist in all the performance of his duties as a Quarantine officer; all fines collected by him shall be paid by him into the hands of the Clerk as above; he shall not charge more than 20 cents a load when hauling dirt for the Town; he shall not receive any extra compensation for collecting any special tax.
    The Board then adjourned until next meeting.
    H. LATOUR, President,
    Attest: P. LEONCE HEBRARD, Clerk of the Board

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